Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak: euskara, katalana eta gaztelania, gai beraren gaineko bariazioak

Abstract

In this paper we have analyzed subject-suppressing impersonals, namely, structures with an implicit and indefinite subject. In Basque and Catalan, these structures have been considered detransitivized, given that, in transitive structures, a single argument is overtly realized instead of two. In Basque izan ‘be’ auxiliary is selected over *edun ‘have’ and in Catalan the ES clitic is introduced. In this paper we demonstrate that in these structures the subject is syntactically present and, therefore, these structures should be considered subject-suppressing impersonals as characterized by Blevins (2003). Nonetheless, morphology leads us to think differently in some cases: both in Catalan and in Spanish the theme argument of ES/SE-structures sometimes behaves like a subject, as it agrees with the auxiliary verb and does not accept a clitic.